Sun Trust Bank secures CBN’s regional license (http://www.ngrguardiannews.com/2015/11/sun-trust-bank-secures-cbns-regional-licence/)
A resort in The GambiaAs part of continuing efforts to increase awareness for The Gambia as an all year tourism destination for discerning Nigerian visitors and prospective investors, the Gambia Tourism...
Wema Bank regains national banking status (http://www.ngrguardiannews.com/2015/11/wema-bank-regains-national-banking-status/)
Public Finance News:
The Debt Management Office hopes to get more Nigerians to invest in Federal Government Bonds. Why consider investing in bonds? Theoretically, government bonds are the most secure form of investments, but you can check the link for more information. (http://punchng.com/dmo-nse-want-more-nigerians-to-invest-in-bonds/)
The Federal Government reaffirmed the public in its commitments to diversify the Economy at the 2015 Sustainability in the Extractive Industry, in Abuja http://www.vanguardngr.com/2015/11/fg-unfolds-strategy-to-harness-solid-minerals-potentials/
The Chairman of the Fiscal Responsibility Commission suggested that if some states do not restructure they would face the risk of bankruptcy at a 2-day study tour by the FRC Enugu (http://punchng.com/states-may-go-bankrupt-over-dwindling-oil-revenue/)
BUSINESS AND FINANCE
The petrol queues may remain longer than hoped, as many marketers fear the National Assembly may not pass the supplementary budget. The Punch this morning contains more details (http://punchng.com/n413bn-subsidy-marketers-doubt-approval-by-nassembly/)
What is the price for long queues?? The Petroleum Price Regulatory Agency released a report showing that the government covered cost of a litre of petrol purchased by N10.58 which would have put the pump price of petrol at N97.58. This report comes as experts call for the removal of subsidy to save the nation unnecessary loss. ( http://punchng.com/fg-subsidises-petrol-by-n10-58litre-despite-scarcity/)
Dr Kachikwu at the Gas Exporting Countries Forum highlighted the investment challenges in the global gas sector (http://punchng.com/gas-market-highly-unstable-says-kachikwu/)
Other Petroleum News:
· Petroleum contributes N1.94trn to Nigeria’s GDP: http://www.vanguardngr.com/2015/11/petroleum-contributes-n1-94trn-to-nigerias-gdp/
· Oil prices slide back after spike on Saudi Arabia’s statement http://www.ngrguardiannews.com/2015/11/oil-prices-slide-back-after-spike-on-saudi-arabias-statement/
APRIL FULL: DAME Widens the Pools of Journalistic Excellence
It was conceived as a labour of love to boost productivity, enhance responsibility and reward enterprise in the media. Year in, year out, the annual Diamond Awards for Media Excellence, now in its 23rd year of operation, has honoured outstanding works from deserving individuals and organizations.
This move was borne out of the conviction that such recognition of talent and enterprise would spur winners to greater productivity. This aim has been achieved in the main in the 22 previous editions of DAME, which have produced 450 winners to date as a good number of them have witnessed steady progress in their careers. Some have moved into other areas of public service.........Read More
The Sacking of Lamido Sanusi
How come nobody ever told me that the President has the power to suspend (but not to dismiss) the CBN Governor? Has there ever been a case of suspension of a CBN Governor before now, or is Sanusi's case the first of its kind? Is Sanusi's suspension well or ill-timed given existing controversies? Will Sanusi be reinstated after a while, or will he transit from suspension to retirement/dismissal in another three months? Is the suspension a due-diligence process to check fiscal recklessness or a reprisal following Sanusi's whistle-blowing about the reportedly missing $ 20 billion? So many questions!
The Nigerian Media And Agenda Setting
By John Momoh, OON
Agenda setting describes a very powerful influence of the media the ability to tell us what issues are important by creating public awareness and concern on salient issues through the news media. Here, John Momoh attempts an application of this theory to the pre-election media influence on the Nigerian audience. The deduction from this theoretical application mirrors a need to press from setting agenda through regular news to using investigative journalism to set agenda for development in the nation.
Theoretically, the Agenda Setting Theory (AST) of the media as put forward by Maxwell McCombs and Donald Shaw (1972) during their very influential research on the role of the media in the 1968 U.S. Presidential elections observes that:
In choosing and displaying news, editors, newsroom staff, and broadcasters play an important part in shaping political reality. Readers learn not only about a given issue, but also how much importance to attach to that issue from the amount of information in a news story and its position […] the mass media may well determine the important issues that is, the media may set the “agenda” of the campaign.
Overtime, the Agenda Setting Theory research has demonstrated that the more stories the news media publish on a particular subject, the more importance audiences attach to that subject. In relation to AST, Stanley Baran holds that the “media may not tell us what to think, but media certainly tell us what to think about” (2002). He further argues that the agenda setting power of the media resides in more than the amount of space or time devoted to a story and its placement in the broadcast or on the page. Since about 43 years since the publication of the original agenda-setting article by Maxwell McCombs and Donald Shaw, the domain or focus of agenda-setting research has moved beyond politics and public affairs to the world of business, sports, the economy, education, health and entertainment; and the methods used in such studies have gone far beyond the simple rank-order correlations, between media and public agenda.
The theory's central claim as stated earlier is that the media focus the public's attention and influence the public's perceptions of what are the important issues of the day. Whether you agree or disagree with this claim depends on what school of thought you belong to. After all, the original McCombs and Shaw agenda setting study focused on four local sources The New York Times, Time Magazine Newsreel, NBC and CBS. So you can understand why critics of the theory are quick to emphasize that in a digital world such as we now find ourselves, the fundamentals have changed and the theory may not remain viable. Such critics argue that people now get their news from a finite number of news outlets, run by professional gatekeepers, with shared news values. As the numbers of news outlets increase the advance for them shrink. Therefore, the assumption of a unified media agenda has become problematic. In other words, as audiences gain more control over what news services they will use, such audiences will likely seek services that support their points of view.
How does the media set agenda?
But let's put aside the academics and focus on the Nigerian Media and how they set or do not set the agenda for the public. Nigeria's media landscape is perhaps, the most vibrant in Africa. The nation has about 320 broadcast stations made up of 170 television stations and 150 Radio stations, each of them with about 80% population coverage. There are also cable and direct-to-home satellite offerings, the print media which has 150 national and local press titles, and the internet, a growing list. So far, the internet and the World Wide Web cannot set an agenda, primarily because the audience remains small, and many online publications depend on major brand names as the primary sources of information.
Therefore, the broadcast outlets and newspapers that operate the Web sites still maintain control of the setting of the journalistic agendas and the public debate. Even at that, online journalism stands to dramatically alter the traditional role of the reporter and editor.
Be that as it may, “unlike the twentieth-century media environment, in which media largely was limited to traditional media entities, 21st Century Media options are endless, captured by the economic metaphor of the long tail. The Long Tail is a phrase coined by Chris Anderson, in 2004 in which he argued that products that are in low demand or have low sales volume can collectively make up a market share that rivals or exceeds the relatively few current bestsellers and blockbusters, but only if the store or distribution channel is large enough. Citizens can now opt to be creators and or distributors. They now curate the web in large numbers for interesting content sharing links and other newsworthy information out in the confines of newsroom home pages and within the digital world such as blogs, twitter and social networking sites (Meraz, 2012). Consequently, traditional media is no longer capable of leveraging complete media agenda setting influence which in effect means that Agenda setting power is also influenced by external forces who constantly seek to put their own agenda in the front burner, now shared between citizen media and traditional media.
The Elections and Agenda Setting
For Nigerians who painstakingly watched the setting and the general atmosphere at INEC'S press conference in Abuja, on February the 7th, the methods, intricacies and critical tools of news reporting could not have gone unnoticed. Individuals with certain skills and an array of equipment crowded up the whole space all day-long for a singular purpose: to receive or extract the final word from the leadership of the electoral body and to disseminate the information to the wider public.
When the press conference finally got underway, observers must have had further insights into processes leading to the final product, that is, the news (whether in print or broadcast, social media or Internet). In the question and answer session when the INEC Chairman had to explain some knotty issues, it was evident that journalists carry out pre-event investigations and research and are able to elicit information or commitments that could bring some issues to closure.
Nigeria's 2015 Elections: Journalistic Options For Responding To Ethical Issues
By Lanre Idowu
This paper examines in practical terms some of the ethical issues that Journalists faced in the build up to the 2015 elections. The paper adopts document analysis to examine the provisions of the Code of Ethics for Nigerian Journalists and also purposively selected two newspapers which contain publications that showed scant regard for ethics in covering the 2015 election.
The paper recommends some options the media should embrace in addressing ethical issues in these elections and beyond, and also stresses the watchdog/gate-keeping function of the media.
Keywords: Journalistic Options, Code of ethics for Nigerian Journalists, 2015 Elections
Three key terms, “Journalistic options”, “Response to ethical issues” and “2015 elections” are germane to our discourse. In the main, we will consider the import of the 2015 elections, examine how the electoral process was covered and discuss the options available to dealing with the ethical issues journalists faced in the process. In doing all of these, we will touch on the place of ethics in human conduct and professional service, and how to strengthen Journalism as a profession and occupation.
Elections represent an important component of participatory governance in that they afford the electorate the opportunity to pick their representatives into executive and legislative offices at regular intervals through the ballot box. (Idowu: 2010).
The 2015 elections represent the fifth attempt since the Fourth Republic began in 1999 to elect the people's representatives into public office. That we have been able to hold elections in 1999, 2003, 2007, and 2011 and are poised to have the fifth in 2015 is itself an achievement.
Elections represent the culmination of the electoral process for the people to freely elect their leaders based on the acceptance or rejection of the choices placed before the electorate (Eya: 2003).
Elections serve as regular referendum on performance in public office where incumbents are either returned or voted out for new faces and fresh ideas. Elections emphasise the sanctity of the ballot as the means of empowering elected officials to carry out their promises to the electorate. They are credible when they are free, fair, and represent the true feelings of the electorate. (Garuba, 2007, Idowu: 2010)).
“2015 Elections”: What elections are we holding?
The elections were planned for two dates: February 14: Central elections into Executive and Legislative Houses: The Presidential, Senatorial, House of Reps and February 28: State elections into Executive and Legislative Houses: Governorship and State House of Assembly. They have since been changed to March 28 and April 11.
What are the issues?
The most urgent concern appeared to be Access to voting: are there sufficient Permanent Voting Cards for all those registered to vote? Regarding the issues that will define the elections, insecurity ranks high. Since 2011, the country has been locked down in violent insurgency in the North-East, losing in the process a large chunk of its landmass.
The uprising in the North-East periodically creeps into the North-West. The result is that normalcy has eluded a major part of the country. Children have been killed in dormitories; some 200 girls have been abducted from school since last year. Traders, farmers, and many innocent people have lost their lives to suicide bombings as the state grapples with the abnormality. At the last count, 13, 000 lives have been lost in the last six years to the insurgency in the North-East (Africa Check: 2014). In the North-Central, communal clashes are commonplace. Economic disagreements between farmers and cattle rustlers wear ethnic and religious toga.
In the South-South, oil pipelines are vandalised periodically even as erstwhile militants corner juicy contracts to perform chores previously done by uniformed state personnel. Kidnapping, the scourge of the South-East, has also crept into the South-West as people deemed of hostage value are held for ransom.
The economy, encapsulated in high unemployment, poor public electricity and high cost of business, stretches the entrepreneur, benumbs the average citizen, and remains a worry for all.
Official corruption, the conscienceless appropriation of the commonwealth for private gain (Idowu: 2009, p 183) that wears a nauseating perfume in public remains troubling, and made worse by the seeming lack of political will to prosecute offenders.
Ethnicity or the It's-the-turn-of-our-zone mentality hampers any serious effort at nation building. Religion, which should be a private affair, has crept into state administration, pitting Muslims against Christians, animists against free thinkers, north versus south.
Education - access to it and quality of what's offered - remains troubling. The poor results from the West African School Certificate Examination do not appear as ending soon. (Premium Times: 2014) Concern for educational competence of our presidential candidates has also featured as an issue of public interest. Regrettably, its treatment has not been addressed in the public interest as the media have shown more interest in generating rather than beaming light on the issue of General Muhammadu Buhari's credentials.
TConcern for performance or record in office is also an issue. There is legitimate concern on how a past military ruler (Buhari) would perform in a democratic setting, as there is worry over what is perceived as squandered opportunity in service in the first term in office of President Goodluck Jonathan.
The principal players in this election are the:
* Electoral management body, Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC)
* The political parties and candidates
* The government and its law enforcement agents
* The civil society organisations
* The electorate and
* The media
Guidelines for Media coverage
The INEC released in December 2014 the Nigeria Media Code of Electoral Coverage, which had earlier been adopted on 31st October 2014 by various media interest groups, namely: Newspapers Proprietors Association of Nigeria (NPAN), Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ), Nigerian Guild of Editors (NGE), Broadcasting Organisations of Nigeria (BON), Radio, Television, Theatre and Arts Workers Union of Nigeria (RATTAWU), Nigeria Association of Women Journalists (NAWOJ), Media Rights Agenda (MRA), and the International Press Centre (IPC).
The underlying principles guiding the Code for electoral coverage include:
* The promotion of the right of citizens to freely express themselves and have unfettered access to information on the electoral processes;
* The protection of the right of the media to freely access and truthfully disseminate information on the electoral processes;
* The promotion of the right of media access by parties, candidates and under-represented groups;
* The promotion of democratic norms and values.
Some salient provisions
Under Article 1.1. of the code dealing with Parties and Candidates, the Responsibility of Media Organisations was couched in 1.1.1 and 1.1.2 to read:
1.1.1. A broadcast medium shall ensure equitable allocation of time at specific but similar periods for all parties contesting elections to state their programmes;
1.1.2. A media organisation shall regularly apply the principle of equity in the coverage and reportage of campaigns and other activities of parties and candidates contesting elections;
Under 3.5.2, which deals with political advertising, “A media organisation shall not publish or air political adverts, advertorials and sponsored political news that seek to create hatred or incite violence”.
Under 4. 3, which deals with Hate Speech, “A media organisation shall reject any material intended for publication or airing by parties, candidates and other interests that contains hateful or inciting words and messages”;
And 4.4 “A media organisation shall refrain from publishing or airing abusive editorial comments or opinions that denigrate individuals or groups on account of disability, race, ethnicity, tribe, gender or belief”;
Nigerian Media Code of Election Coverage and the Code of Ethics for Nigerian Journalists:
The Nigerian Media Code of Election Coverage is an elaboration on the NPO Code of Ethics for Nigerian journalists, which was adopted in Ilorin on 20th March 1998. That code has 15 parts, ranging from such concerns as Accuracy to Fairness, Editorial Independence, Decency, Discrimination, Privacy etc.
Significance of the two codes
Central to the codes are such concerns as Public Trust, Media Credibility, and the Notion of Responsibility. They are all mutually reinforcing. In reposing trust in the media, the public expects a fair and professional deal in media offering. Media Credibility means the public can act on what the media present as having been professionally processed and passed for patronage or consumption. The sum total is that the media must show responsibility in all its actions (Idowu: 1996).
This responsibility can be assessed on four levels: The personal, professional, organisational and constitutional. It is people who create media products and services so individual or personal responsibility is the foundation on which other tiers build. The individual journalist must have an idea of what responsibility is, before it can be practised (Merril: 1978). The true professional measures individual output against agreed professional standards. The organisational notion of responsibility is pronounced in the mottos media houses attach to their titles. For example, “Conscience, nurtured by truth” proclaims The Guardian; “Truth in defence of freedom”, asserts The Nation; whilst Vanguard says its editorial fare will take readers “Towards a better life for the people”. The constitutional provisions in Sections 22 and 39 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) enjoin the media to act, on behalf of the people, as watchdogs over government in a free setting.